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Sizing Up Trump and Putin

Sizing Up Trump and Putin

October 26, 2025

Sizing Up Trump and Putin

Paul Craig Roberts

Sizing Up Trump

Approaching a year since Trump’s third election as president, how do we sum him up?

He has done good things. He has closed the border. He is attempting to deport some of the many millions of illegal immigrants that the Democrats brought into our country. He freed the January 6 protesters framed by a totally corrupt Biden regime “Justice” Department and a whore media. He is attempting to dislodge the DEI that has replaced merit throughout US society including the military. He has taken steps to reduce the anti-Americanism of the enormous federal bureaucracy and to stop the weaponization of law against Americans who have traditional American values. These are enormous achievements, none of which would have been delivered by a Democrat regime.

In light of these achievements, it is frustrating that in other important areas Trump is failing disastrously. He has supported a genocide with American money, weapons, and diplomatic cover. He committed an act of war against Iran at the urging of Netanyahu. He has relied on orders to the President of Russia in place of diplomacy. When his orders are not obeyed, he imposes punishments. The current order is for a cease fire in Ukraine without addressing the underlying cause of the conflict. The punishment is orders to India and China to stop purchasing Russian oil. In other words, as Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez said of President George W. Bush, “he speaks as if he owns the world.” Trump’s sovereignty-denying behavior is the opposite of a peace-maker. He assaults the environment, thus insuring the hostility of much of America’s educated class who regard Trump’s opening of the pristine Alaska wildlife refuge to oil and gas drilling as a travesty. Clearly, the area cannot be both a refuge and an area of oil and gas exploitation. Environmentalists wonder how long before a bankrupt US government sells the national forests to timber companies. In his attack on Venezuela, Trump uses the claim of a war against drugs as a cover for a war to overthrow a country and resume US exploitation of its resources, just as George W. Bush used “the war on terror” to overthrow Arab states for Israel. What is the evidence that small craft in Venezuelan and international waters are loaded with drugs on the way to the US? How can any evidence be found when the boats are blown up and destroyed instead of boarded and inspected. What authority does the US have for boarding boats in Venezuelan and international waters? Trump’s policy is to destroy the craft and the people on them on suspicion alone without evidence or authority. If US police acted this way in the US they would be arrested for murder. A government cannot legally execute people without conviction for a capital crime. If there are Venezuelan drug runners, what is the evidence that they are connected to the government? How likely is it that Venezuela, which has been on Washington’s target list for years, would provide Washington with a drug excuse to overthrow the government and install a regime of its own?

The likelihood is that Trump is going to have America at war with Russia, Iran, Venezuela, China, and all who refuse to obey his orders.

As much as Americans needed Trump’s accomplishments, his failures are a large price to pay. America needs a strong president, because leadership requires strength. Leadership also requires moral and mutually acceptable solutions, not orders imposed by coercion. Trump does not own the world, and he cannot impose dictates on Russia, Iran, India, and China. Something is amiss that the Trump regime cannot see that this is an unsuccessful and dangerous policy.

Sizing Up Putin

Among Western foreign policy commentators there seems to be confusion about Putin and Peskov’s insistence that Russia remains committed to the Alaska agreement. What Putin and Peskov understand the Alaska meeting to have accomplished is obtaining Trump’s agreement that ending the conflict in Ukraine has to begin with resolving the conflict the West has chosen to have with Russia. What Putin means by the root cause of the conflict is the hostile attitude in the West toward Russia. It is this hostile attitude that brought NATO with US missile bases to Russia’s border, overthrew the Russian friendly Ukraine government, attacked the Russian population of Donbas and forced Russia’s military intervention. Most Western commentators continue to lie between their teeth that Russia is responsible for starting the conflict in Ukraine when it is clear that the West forced the Russian intervention. To force Russian intervention was the entire purpose of the Maidan Revolution in 2014 and subsequent deception of Russia with the Minsk Agreement, which turned out not to be an agreement.

In the Alaska meeting Putin concluded that Trump agreed that the root cause is the absence of a mutual security agreement denied to Putin by the Biden Regime, NATO, and the EU in January 2022, thus provoking the Russian intervention in Ukraine. First the root cause was to be addressed and then the cease fire. Putin was not agreeable to a cease fire that would result in Ukrainian forces being rebuilt while negotiations went nowhere.

As John Helmer and I pointed out, the Alaska understanding is inconsistent with Washington’s foreign policy goal of hegemony and with the expectation of billions of dollars in commissions to Western political figures from the sales to Europe of American weapons to continue the war in Ukraine. With Trump’s success in getting Europe to increase defense budgets to 5% of GDP, commission payouts gleam in the eyes of Western government officials.

The controlling interests in the West is for the conflict to continue. Trump’s “advisors” got this through to him, and Trump suddenly cancelled his meeting with Putin and changed his tune yet again. Now his tune is again that the killing has to stop first with a cease fire, and then the negotiations can begin. This, of course, serves no Russian interests except those of Putin’s “advisor,” Kirill Dmitriev, a spokesman for Russian business interests whose connections are in the West and not with BRICS. Dmitriev wants Putin to give up, as does Putin’s central bank director, so that American-Russian business interests can be mended and the profitable connections of Russian businesses with the West can be restored.

Why Putin relies on self-interested Kirill Dmitriev and pro-American central bank director Elvira Nabiullina, who set up $300 billion in Russian assets to be frozen and now possibly used to fund Ukraine’s continuation of the war for another three years, I do not know. It strikes me as the worst possible judgement by a leader who is trying to avoid WW 3.

Why Trump relies on Witcoff and Kellogg is equally puzzling. It is extraordinary that the two leaders who, we hope, are working to avoid WW 3, are relying on “advisors” who are working against them.

My conclusion is that money and US hegemony are more important than avoiding war. So it is likely we will get war.

Like John Helmer and myself, Gilbert Doctorow is outside the box of the official narrative. This means that the three of us are subjected to name-calling instead of engagement with our analysis. It is OK with me if I can be shown to be wrong–indeed, I would be glad of it as my conclusion is depressing–and I assume Helmer and Doctorow feel the same. Those few of us who are outside the box cannot afford to have thin skin.

Doctorow has raised the issue of how much longer Putin can hold to his hopes that Trump will flip back to the Alaska agreement between the two world leaders and perhaps this time stay there. Resolving the conflict is a far better solution than a major war certain to turn nuclear. To be clear, Doctorow, Helmer, and I admire Putin for his effort to avoid war. He is clearly a moral and humane person, unlike the money-grabbers in the West who put their profits ahead of the survival of humanity. When Doctorow says Putin shows cowardice, perhaps he means that this is the way Putin appears to the US, UK, and Europe. In other words, Putin’s good intentions are working against him.

Doctorow, who watches the state controlled Russian TV programs on which the war and foreign policy are discussed and who is currently in Moscow looking into the evolving attitude toward the war as best as he can, has noticed a growing impatience with the way Putin has been conducting the war for nearly four years. In foreign policy circles, if not within Putin’s own circle, the futility of attempting to negotiate with the West and Washington is recognized. Among Russian populations, their life is increasingly disrupted by long-range drone attacks that disrupt GPS service, airline flights, internet service, and prevent businesses from completing sales transactions, and there are the occasional civilian deaths far from the battlefield.

The rising criticism of Putin’s conduct of the war in foreign policy circles and the public reached a new level, Doctorow reports, when the main TV news analysis program’s host said that negotiations had failed and it was time to “destroy Ukraine” and quickly end the war. The deputy Russian foreign minister agreed as did, it seems, Lavrov, both of whom were contradicted by Kremlin spokesman Peskov. The program’s host is a protege of the director of Russian state TV. Neither he nor the deputy prime minister would have risked taking such positions unless there was much support behind them.

Why the contradiction by Peskov as the TV host and deputy foreign minister are obviously correct? The answer, it seems, is that Putin is holding on to hopes too long. A conflict that should have had a victorious conclusion for Russia within a matter of weeks is now almost 4 years long. The four long years are marred with endless undefended red lines that have convinced the West that Putin can be knuckled under. Consequently, the war has ever widened. Putin’s misjudgment is turning a limited conflict into a world war.

Here I will state the root cause of the problem as clearly as it can be stated for both Americans and policy-makers in Washington and Europe and for Russians and the Kremlin. War is profitable for the Western military-security complex. Ending conflict hurts those who profit from it, as President Eisenhower warned Americans in 1961. The doctrine of US hegemony expressed by the Wolfowitz Doctrine when the Soviet Union collapsed, thus removing the only constraint on US hegemony, is still operative. This doctrine allied with money interests is the basis for Washington’s hostility toward Russia. The Wolfowitz Doctrine and the profits of war are the obstacles to ending the root cause of the conflict.

US Decides Selling Weapons More Important Than Peace

MOSCOW (Sputnik) – The United States supports the use by the European Union of Russia’s frozen assets to buy US-made weapons for Ukraine, Reuters reported on Saturday, citing US officials.

US officials have reportedly informed their European counterparts that Washington supports the EU using Russian assets to purchase weapons for Ukraine.

The Trump administration has also held internal conversations about leveraging Russian state assets that remain blocked in US bank accounts to back Ukraine’s military campaign, Reuters reported.

https://sputnikglobe.com/20251025/us-supports-eus-use-of-russian-assets-to-buy-us-weapons-for-ukraine—reports-1123014041.html

Another Reason Why Russia Doesn’t Want a Cease Fire

France is ready to send troops as early as next year as part of security guarantees proposed by Ukraine’s Western backers if a ceasefire is reached in the conflict with Russia, Army Chief of Staff Pierre Schill has said.
https://www.rt.com/news/626966-france-ready-to-deploy-troops/

How Much Longer Can Putin Ignore Reality?

October 29, 2025

Note: My readers know that I do not trust the Western media to report anything correctly. I do not say that the Telegraph article is credible. I say it is the new narrative that as Russia is on the ropes Putin can be coerced into a cease fire and thereby no negotiation is necessary that addresses the root cause.

How Much Longer Can Putin Ignore Reality?

Paul Craig Roberts

Russia’s President Putin should read The Prince by Niccolo Machiavelli and ponder the famous statement that “it is better to be feared than loved, if you cannot be both.” Putin’s problem is that he is neither loved nor feared.

Western propaganda has made him unloved, and Putin himself has made himself not feared. President Trump now mocks Putin’s Russia as a “paper tiger.” Putin after four years of conflict hasn’t won a war he should have won, as I have said so many times and as Trump now says, in one week.

Having failed to fight for a quick victory and to enforce redlines, Putin has relied on announcements of new super weapons to substitute for the lack of response to ever-worsening provocations that Putin’s never-ending war continues to produce. Having backed down in the face of every provocation, Putin has squandered the Russian deterrent.

The Kremlin has been unable to prevent Trump and the West from defining the solution as a cease fire. In an effort to coerce Putin into a cease fire, Trump has now placed sanctions on Russia’s oil customers, India and China. Writing in the British Telegraph on October 26, Melissa Lawford, described as US Economics Correspondent, reports that Russia finally begins to buckle as it runs out of cards to play just as Trump turns the screws.

Lawford writes that

“Suddenly, Putin has many reasons to be worried.

“Russia’s economy is beginning to buckle. Businesses have been crippled by high interest rates, government borrowing costs have soared and economy minister Maxim Reshetnikov warned in June that the country was ‘on the brink of a recession’. Warnings are mounting over a potential avalanche of bad debt that could trigger a financial crisis.

“Small pockets of protest are emerging. Earlier this month, hundreds of people gathered in St Petersburg Square to sing an outlawed song calling for Putin to be overthrown.

“Meanwhile, Ukraine has been aggressively ramping up its drone attacks on Russian oil refineries, hammering the country’s petrol supplies.

“Now Donald Trump is turning the screws. After frustration over a lack of progress to end the war in Ukraine, the US president announced new sanctions on two of Russia’s biggest oil companies on Wednesday.

“India and China, the main buyers of Russian oil since the war began, responded by curbing purchases. It threatens to cut off crucial oil revenues to Putin’s war machine – and the Russian state.

“’For the first time in three and a half years, Russia’s really getting hurt,’ says Timothy Ash, an associate fellow at Chatham House’s Russia and Eurasia programme. ‘I think there’s some panic.’”

On top of it all a “banking crisis looms” with the prospect of bankrupt companies and a large government budget deficit.

Worst of all, Putin’s never-ending war has come home to the Russian population.

“Thick plumes of smoke have been rising from Russian oil refineries across the country this year following an unprecedented barrage of Ukrainian drone attacks.

“Since January, Ukraine has hit 21 of Russia’s 38 largest refineries where crude oil is refined into products like petrol. It has struck as far as 683 miles into Russia from the Ukrainian border.

“So much supply has been knocked out that petrol prices have surged by 40% since the start of the year. Officials have introduced rationing in occupied Crimea while small petrol stations in Siberia have closed down. Social media is filled with video footage of enormous queues of cars waiting to fill up.”

The Telegraph article sets out the new narrative. Russia is on the ropes. John Herbst of the Atlantic Council sees paranoia setting in. Timothy Ash of Chatham House sees panic. Harvard’s Craig Kennedy sees a large dark pool of debt that could undermine the economy and the banks’ ability to finance war procurement. With Putin’s central bank director’s 16.5% interest rates, there is no money available to prevent a systemic crisis. All the while Putin clings to his faith in negotiations with Trump, which is nonsensical as Trump has defined Putin’s resistance to a cease fire as Putin’s disappointing unwillingness to negotiate. Putin further degraded himself in the eyes of the West by responding to Trump’s sanctions on Russia’s oil customers by sending Kirill Dmitriev to Washington to continue negotiations. Whatever the truth in this narrative, it is not one that encourages the West to address the root cause of the problem, which is Russia’s security.

With the West convinced that Russia faces collapse, how can Putin think he has a negotiation position? Since 2014 Putin has used strong words never backed by strong action. Putin has no credibility. Trump and the Europeans do not want the war to end. It is too profitable for the US military/security complex with billions of dollars in commissions spilling over into the pockets of European policymakers. The prospect of immediate wealth overwhelms any concern about a future nuclear confrontation, which there will eventually be when the provocations Putin has encouraged become too great for Putin to ignore.

Inside Russia both the Deputy Foreign Minister and the host of the most important Russian state TV news analysis program said that negotiations have failed, and the only alternative is for Russia to end the war by destroying Ukraine’s ability to continue fighting. Polls show that Russians have a high level of support for Putin, but they also show that Russians want the war to end now with a Russian victory.

How much longer can Putin ignore reality?

Trump also denies reality. RT reports:

Trump backs renewed Israeli strikes in Gaza

The US president denied that the resumption of hostilities was “jeopardizing” the ceasefire

US President Donald Trump has defended Israel’s renewed strikes in Gaza nearly three weeks into a ceasefire he helped broker.

With both Trump and Putin in denial of reality, no good decisions can be made.

The deployment of nuclear weapons continues

https://www.rt.com/russia/627088-belarus-oreshnik-deployment-date/

Putin’s failure to put a stop to Western provocations is leading directly to nuclear war.

Putin’s aide Yury Ushakov replies to increasing provocations with pleas for negotiations thereby increasing Western contempt for Russia.

Russia remains ready for a potential meeting between President Vladimir Putin and his US counterpart, Donald Trump, presidential aide Yury Ushakov has said.

Is Ushakov signaling Russia’s willingness to surrender and to accept a cease fire? The West has made it clear that a cease fire is all that the West is interested in negotiating.

After four wasted years, the only way out for Russia from Putin’s never-ending ever-widening war is to destroy Kiev’s ability to continue the war. It is not possible for Putin to continue his strategic blunder any longer.

Scott Ritter’s up to date, solid, no nonsense view backed with decades of experience:

A Daniel Davis must see interview with Larry Johnson:

Ukraine Russia War Update: Just Back from Russia: Larry Johnson

Chilling interview with Alexander Dugin.

How Russia Plans to Shock the West

Fear becomes diplomacy and escalation becomes art.

Alexander Dugin

Oct 31, 2025



Alexander Dugin warns that only a campaign of shock and awe can shatter Western arrogance and restore Russia’s power.

Conversation with Alexander Dugin on the Sputnik TV program Escalation .

Host: I’d like to begin with a truly major topic, whose importance is obvious to everyone. Yesterday Vladimir Vladimirovich announced the successful tests of the Burevestnik — a new missile capable of circling the planet for months, keeping the West or any other country on edge. Western outlets like the New York Times have dubbed it a “flying Chernobyl,” saying it destabilizes the situation and complicates arms control. The West’s reaction has been very vivid. I’m curious: how will this missile affect the balance of power? What advantages does it give us at the current stage?

Alexander Dugin: I’ll admit up front that I’m not an expert in armaments and I’m wary of appearing a dilettante in that field. I’m a sociologist; I study geopolitics and political psychology, so I’ll analyze the subject from those positions, perhaps with a philosophical tint.

It seems to me that, under the influence of neoconservatives, Trump has formed an erroneous perception of Russia’s position in the Ukrainian conflict — of our capabilities, interests, values, of what we are prepared to do and what we are not. With such a Trump, convinced that it’s enough to press, threaten, or raise his voice for the conflict in Ukraine to end, we will not find common ground. He must be disabused of that belief; his thinking must be reformatted. Words alone make that difficult. There were negotiations in Anchorage, conversations between our president and Trump. He is an impulsive man, living in the moment, hot-tempered, aggressive, but one who respects strength and decisive response. We understood that we tried different approaches to communicating with him, but he does not accept a “soft” mode. He reads all kindness as weakness.

When we say, “We are open to dialogue,” he thinks we lack the strength to continue the war. When we offer compromise, he answers: “Only on our terms — a ceasefire, and we’ll sort it out afterwards.” Treating Russia — a great nuclear, military, and economic power — as subordinate, as a protectorate like Europe, Ukraine, or Israel, is fundamentally the wrong approach. We realized that. Politeness, declarations, reasonable formulas do not work on him. He perceives politeness as weakness, reasonableness as cowardice, willingness to compromise as capitulation. That is absolutely false and has never been the case. We must demonstrate strength. President Vladimir Vladimirovich spoke about this, mentioning oshelomlenie (“shock,” “stunning”) — the West must be shocked by our actions. The test of the Burevestnik , the “flying Chernobyl,” is one step in that direction. But this is insufficient; we must go further.

The West must be made to fear, because rational arguments are exhausted. Only something truly terrifying will force them to speak to Russia as equals.

Host: Isn’t the mere fact that the Burevestnik can stay aloft for a long time and is practically impossible to track or shoot down frightening enough?

Alexander Dugin: The thing is, the West greets our declarations with skepticism. I studied the Western press: many call the Burevestnik a bluff, a fictional weapon, they doubt its characteristics, are confident they will find measures against it. That will always be the case: our demonstrations of strength are met with distrust and accusations of deception. Dmitry Seims correctly emphasizes: a real demonstration of force is needed to move beyond the realm of bluff.

The West bluffs more skillfully: their modest capabilities are inflated into “grand breakthroughs.” Trump operates in hyperbole: “Fantastic! Great! Absolutely!” His rhetoric of power and confidence mesmerizes like a cobra mesmerizes a rabbit. Our diplomacy for 35 years was built differently: “Let’s avoid conflicts, find compromise, take interests into account.” In response — “Fantastic, we’ll crush you!” Pinpoint strikes that did not touch Iran’s nuclear program are presented as triumph. The media pick it up, and Trump himself believes that Iran has “fallen to its knees.” These are self-fulfilling prophecies: they declare a “devastating strike,” show a fabricated result — and it works in virtual reality. Our exposures and arguments do not impress. Trump’s failures are proclaimed victories, echoed across the media.

We need a strike at a sensitive point that cannot be ignored. What that is — I don’t know. The president speaks of oshelomlenie : the West must be shocked. We launched the Burevestnik , but there is no reaction. Even if they are afraid, they pretend Russia is bluffing, the economy is weak, sanctions are effective, assets can be confiscated. We are facing hell. Trump, although he seems better, in practice continues Biden’s war. He kept saying, “This is not my war,” but acts as if it is his. Soon he will say: “This is my war, and I’ll win it in a day.” We should sharply harden our rhetoric. They don’t observe formalities, while we still politely take the blows. Kirill Dmitriev, in the spirit of Gorbachev, tries to normalize relations with the US, but they perceive this as a white flag, as capitulation.

Host: Later we’ll talk about Kirill Dmitriev’s visit — the head of the Russian Direct Investment Fund — and about normalization or lack thereof in Russia–US relations. I want to return to your phrase about oshelomlenie . Earlier you mentioned that this could be the beginning of an “Operation Oshelomlenie ” in Ukraine, connected with strikes on infrastructure. What is this “Operation Oshelomlenie ”? Do you mean a demonstration of force on the battlefield with our missiles?

Alexander Dugin: Again, I am no weapons expert, but I study the collective consciousness. Sometimes a small, precisely targeted drone produces a greater effect than the destruction of all Ukrainian infrastructure if the latter goes unnoticed.

We live in a world of symbols and images, where there is no direct connection between our power and its perception. I’m not saying what to strike — one must calculate models. For example, there is Zelensky — that is one reality; without him — a very different one. They are confident we cannot get him. Their goal is not to save Ukraine but to wage war on us by other hands. As long as Zelensky exists, even alone, he is integrated into their propaganda, and everything is “fantastic, wonderful.” Destroy infrastructure — they will hide it. The military see real maps and satellite images, but the public that decides on sanctions or strikes is shown doctored footage. Manipulation of reality is nothing new; it is the West’s postmodern approach of the last 30 years. A military operation without media support, without striking images, even AI-created ones, is not considered successful. A combination of military action, politics, declarations, visual imagery, and demonstrations is required to convince the viewer. If it’s not shown, it’s as if it didn’t happen.

We were not prepared for that kind of war — it’s a new challenge for us. We measure success by the number killed, territory liberated, we spare enemies, prepare a “gesture of goodwill” for 20,000 killers in a cauldron. What is needed is an action of oshelomlenie that strikes the opponents, not ourselves. This requires not only military strategy but media mastery. To stun the West, especially in the context of Trump’s escalation, you must make them cry out: “Terrifyingly fantastic, the Russians have crossed all the boundaries!” — while they keep insisting we are weak, not advancing, shying away from decisive steps and compromising.

But there are actions that rhetoric cannot distort. They must be carried out. Methods exist.

Host: You mentioned strikes on Bankova [Street]. Is that the stunning factor?

Alexander Dugin: The strike on Bankova has been discussed so much that it has lost all meaning. I don’t know what it will be — a tiny drone, an electronic pigeon, an elusive microscopic element, or a Burevestnik descending like the sky. Perhaps a little mosquito will eliminate Yermak and Budanov, or something fundamental. I do not make decisions, do not know our capabilities and do not give advice. Those responsible must decide. But: to announce oshelomlenie and not produce a stun is dangerous.

Our rhetoric is getting tougher, we are demonstrating capabilities, and people expect a next step from us. We need to stun them so that adversaries are genuinely shocked. I follow the West’s reaction — they keep silent about Oreshnik and Burevestnik . Trump shows no sign of being shaken. I analyze his psychology, sociology, geopolitics, even his smallest gestures, in this terrifying game of escalation where humanity’s fate is at stake. But there is no stun.

We have not finished the job. The aim is not to convince ourselves of our own might, but to shake them. If Trump says, “This is not my war,” cuts off support channels and leaves Europeans to sort it out themselves, then we have stunned someone. We must stun Albion, Paris, Merz. The attack by unknown drones alarmed them — it made them uneasy, but they were not shocked. Something incredible is needed. Enough indulging illusions that they take us seriously. We are stronger, more dangerous, more powerful than they think. That must be proven — that is the operation of oshelomlenie . So far there are no results. We must continue.

Host: Let me clarify: Kyryll Budanov is on the list of terrorists and extremists. I want to add to your words: Trump said, “They don’t play games with us, and we don’t play with them.” What could that phrase mean?

Alexander Dugin: Nothing. It’s like a little cough. We could say the same: “We play, they play.” When Trump has nothing to say, he utters an absurd remark that sounds rational but is meaningless. It means we did not stun him. When we stun him, he will speak coherently. For now, it’s his usual trolling — interpret it as you wish; he himself does not understand what he’s saying. His resolve to move to a new round of nuclear escalation has not been broken. Unfortunately.

Host: I have one last question about “Operation Oshelomlenie .” Don’t you think that, for example, if, as you suggest, Ermak or Zelensky were removed, European media and politicians would immediately use that to create the image of a martyr and explain to their citizens that there is now a direct threat requiring preparation for war with Russia? Right now they paint some murky picture, manipulating facts, and this would give them a perfect tool.

Alexander Dugin: Perhaps that will happen. But if someone thirsts for a war against us, they will start it — with a pretext or without. I do not insist on concrete decisions. “Operation Oshelomlenie ” has been declared, and I think it is timely and correct. However, its form is the exclusive prerogative of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief and the military-political leadership. I do not propose or hint — I only bring up images and examples.

But note: if we do not stun them, they will prepare for war even more successfully and swiftly. We say: “We will stun them now,” but do not act. Then they themselves will stage a provocation — send a “mosquito” at Zelensky, blame the Russians, attribute anything to us. False-flag operations are the standard of modern politics. If we remain inactive, they will do it for us and use it against us.

Reality has lost credibility — it does not exist. Images decide everything. We have a deficit of the image of might. They say: the Russians are dangerous, yet insignificant. We threaten, yet are helpless. This prepares the ground for their aggression: the image of a vicious but weak enemy, like Saddam Hussein or Hamas. They drive us into this trap, and we do not resist. We repeat: “We are peaceful, we do not seek to attack.” They reply: “They are weak, masking their threat, fearing exposure.” This is a one-sided information war.

There are rare opportunities — few, but they exist — that can undermine their strategy of informational offensive. We must hit their information bubble, not the West or Ukraine. This bubble is dangerous: it creates an image that justifies a real war against us — tomahawks, nuclear submarines, as Trump speaks of. They believe that strikes like those on Iran will force us to capitulate. The more we proclaim: “We will not attack, we follow the rules,” the stronger the impression of our weakness. We capture 20,000 Ukrainian soldiers, exchange them, create conditions — that is perceived as weakness. How to change that? — I do not know. But it is necessary.

We must engage mechanisms taking the informational dimension into account. Their lies are not harmless — they lead to missile strikes on our territory. Then we will have to respond harshly. They integrate everything — peacefulness, toughness, negotiations, decisive steps — into their narrative. How to disrupt their information war at this critical point? We must stop the West from the aggression to which it is inching closer. The balance between reasonableness and might requires fine-tuning. Escalation or endless avoidance are equivalent to capitulation.

This is the art of war, of high politics, of the struggle for sovereignty and national interests. Politics is a struggle for being — a philosophical category. Some rulers possess this art, others lead to ruin. We must not rest on our laurels — storm clouds are gathering above us. It is time to seek allies for a possible war.

I would propose a military alliance with China: if the West understands that an attack on us will trigger responses from allies, that will deter them. If their attention shifts to Taiwan, we must support China. We are on the verge of that. Russia and China, as economic, geopolitical, and military powers, are a powerful force. We must strengthen ties with India and other countries. A litmus test is US aggression against Venezuela and Colombia. If they change regimes there, that is a threat to us. It is their Monroe doctrine, their “Ukraines,” and they will not stop. Success will bolster their confidence that they can act against us and China. We must intensify geopolitical work in Latin America. If we allow Trump to change regimes there easily, our position will worsen.

Host: So we should supply arms?

Alexander Dugin: To everyone — Iran, Hezbollah, Venezuela. Actively, in large volumes, unrestrainedly, as the US does. At the same time say: “We are for peace, Trump, you are wonderful, but this is business.” Maduro pays for Oreshnik missiles, for air defense systems — that is a deal. As Trump says, “It’s a deal.” Live with wolves — howl like a wolf. That is oshelomlenie .

And we say: “We will not support Hamas, Hezbollah, we will reach agreements in Syria, we will help Iran from afar, we will not conclude military alliances inside BRICS.” That makes us “Cheburashkas” — not frightening, crazy cartoon characters preparing an attack. The West is framing the war against Russia as a cartoon.

We must disrupt their “cartoon” war plan now. Trump is strong in MAGA ideology, but acts monstrously, not at our expense. Our stake is not only the line of contact, but Russia’s global position. We are a pole, and we should have a stance on the Middle East, friends and foes, enter alliances, provide military and financial aid, expecting reciprocity. This concerns Africa, Asia, Latin America. A great power cares about everything, even the Falkland Islands. Do we have resources?

If we lack resources, every displacement will cost us sovereignty. We are encircled, and the enemy will demand more — colonization of Russia. The West talks about this morning to night, creating resources for our collapse — conspiracies, regime-change operations. Show weakness — Africa, Latin America, the Middle East, Asia will not be ours. Then they will say: “Siberia is not yours, the North Caucasus is not yours.”

Western hegemony is a machine operating in new, networked realities. Artificial intelligence is an example. We take it up without understanding that at its core, like with Elon Musk, liberal mines are planted. It can explode like Hezbollah’s pagers. We do not grasp the scale of the confrontation we are already in. We don’t understand the technical side, the grant-based recruitment of our science, culture, economy. The West penetrated us, leaving backdoors in every institute — democracy, free market. In the ’90s we handed the enemy the keys to the city. And we still have not fully freed ourselves. We fight on all levels, including informational, but do not always know how. We think the conflict can be localized, but it is global.

Host: We think in terms of goodwill, but the world is unprepared for it. You mentioned allies and China. I want to clarify: Donald Trump’s trip that is happening now, and the meeting with Xi Jinping on October 30 — what should we expect from it? Some outlets write that Trump will try to push Chinese energy away from Russia.

Alexander Dugin: He is certainly going partly for that, but not only. Trump has taken neoconservative positions, abandoning MAGA philosophy. He is an instrument in the hands of people like Lindsey Graham. His goal is to create alliances in Southeast Asia using intimidation, bribery, offers that, in his view, China won’t refuse. It is a war. He says: “I compete with China,” but he fights us. Biden, Obama, neoconservatives — that is Trump today.

His visit is a hostile step. He weaves intrigues and negotiates deals aimed against us. He thinks he controls everything, but Russia is a sovereign state and does not obey him. He stumbled on our conflict, expecting an easy victory. Europe also grumbles, but follows the neoconservatives. And that is dangerous.

Trump is not merely squabbling with China — he goes for deals against us. Xi Jinping is unlikely to take radical measures against us, but we must work so that this does not happen. We need to build an intensive partnership with China. Our president works on this tirelessly, but the mechanisms of Russian policy are sometimes not tuned to these challenges — they are too slow, bureaucratic, sluggish. Putin acts like a hero on whom humanity’s fate depends, but his directives drown in paperwork, the vertical becomes horizontal. We must speed up — in alliances, military, economic, strategic, with those who share a multipolar agenda. “Operation Oshelomlenie ” has levels, including positive steps in world politics, attracting new friends and supporting allies.

(Translated from the Russian)

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